Bare Nouns in Danish with Special Reference to the Object Position

Henrik Hoeg Müller*

*Corresponding author af dette arbejde

Publikation: Bidrag til tidsskriftTidsskriftartikelForskningpeer review


Based on a discussion of correlations between syntactic position, prosodic cues, aspect and generic vs. non-generic interpretations, this paper substantiates that Danish Bare Plural count nouns (BPs) have a wider distribution than Bare Singular count nouns (BSS). BPs, unlike BSS, can occur in subject position, function as both generic and existential arguments, and appear with all aspectual verb classes. However, BPs and BSS expressing a non-generic, modificational meaning concur in object position of activity verbs and stative verbs with a possession relation implicature. These V+BP and V+BS structures, it is suggested, form a progressive continuum of three different subtypes of pseudo-incorporation (PI), namely (i) PI of BPs (low integration as in spise æbler 'eat apples'), (ii) PI of type 1 BSS (medium integration as in male hus 'paint house'), and (iii) PI of type 2 BSS (maximum integration as in spille violin 'play violin').
TidsskriftNordic Journal of Linguistics
Udgave nummer1
Sider (fra-til)37-72
Antal sider36
StatusUdgivet - 1 maj 2017


  • Anaphoric reference
  • Bare nouns
  • Number neutrality
  • Predication and predicate types
  • Prosody
  • Pseudo-incorporation
  • Scope
  • Telicity
  • Word order